Maat refuses to use international legitimacy In the absence of peace in Darfur
The Maat Center received the “Egyptian, regional and international” human rights calls in response to Security Council Resolution 1593 issued in March 2005 to refer the Darfur case to investigation at the International Criminal Court, before the Court's Public Prosecutor asked the First Instance Chamber to issue other arrest warrants against Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir himself if there are sufficient reasons to be convinced of his responsibility for the genocide crimes committed in the Darfur region ... with great caution while feeling the existence of international duplication in dealing with the most heinous crimes that the media reports daily in areas of conflict, occupation and settlement in which the blood of innocent people is wasted.
The Center states that Sudan has not ratified the Rome Statute of the Court, while Article 27 of it states that “Heads of state and government, statesmen or members of parliament, and elected representatives or state officials are not entitled, in their official capacity, to exempt anyone from criminal responsibility.” Human rights statements considered the indictment of the Sudanese president with committing genocide crimes, an essential step in order to combat the policy of impunity, pointing out that the court’s Rome Statute confirms that no one enjoys any immunity against all crimes within the jurisdiction of the court, and accusations have also been brought against the Sudanese government of obstructing The deployment of the United Nations and African Union special mission in Darfur and preventing the entry of humanitarian aid to the region's residents.
While the Center considers the role of the International Tribunal - assuming its impartiality and impartiality - a step towards achieving justice in regions of conflict, and rejects the impunity of any real person responsible for any crime, it draws attention to the fact that the tone of the responsibility of Arab leaders for war crimes has been repeated repeatedly with Some of them, and the international community, under the pressure of the wave of the war on terror, directed all its energies to confirm the accusation of the ousted Iraqi regime led by the late President Saddam Hussein of possessing weapons of mass destruction before American intelligence reports cleared him of those accusations on which the plan to attack Iraq, occupy Baghdad, and set an alternative regime was based. To his satiety, and within its borders the state of societal peace that prevailed, even relatively, between Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds during Saddam Hussein's era collapses.
The Center does not refer in its statement to the positives or negatives of a president that all Arab and international regimes witnessed the horrific scene of his execution, despite international and international calls to abolish the death penalty in international legislation. However, an accusation was leveled against the ousted president of committing war crimes against the Kurdish citizens of Iraq in Halabja in 1988, and he used it. Kurdish political leaders to implement their aims to separate from Iraq after the so-called Kuwait liberation war in 1990, when they hired public relations companies to exaggerate the reality of what happened in Halabja, and intelligence and human rights reports alike promoted astronomical casualty numbers ranging between 5 and 100,000 people, ignoring the pause. The mutual chemical attacks between Iran and Iraq in August 1988, the proximity of the village to the Iranian border, and Tehran's forces stormed it in March, killing its residents and the Iraqi force present in it.
A report issued in 1990 by the Institute for Strategic Studies at the Military War College in the United States of America attests that Iran, not Iraq, committed the Halabja crime, as confirmed by Stephen Peltier, who was the chief political analyst at the CIA and responsible for the Iraq office during the Iraq war. Iranian
The activation of the functions of the International Criminal Court does not take place except in cases governed by political motives, after the division of Sudan into North and South and the presence of American intentions to push the country to accept a division into 3 parts, allegations are increasing to help create chaos in the Arab South that threatens the future of water and the right of the Egyptian people to obtain On a fair percentage of it according to the 1929 agreement that signed the era of ownership and occupation - signed by the Ministry of Muhammad Mahmoud Pasha - to guarantee the right of the Egyptian people to the waters of the Nile, while political studies and analyzes refer to joint Israeli projects with the basin countries to reduce or affect Egypt's share determined in accordance with this agreement, With it, the conflict intensified in the basin countries, and civil and border wars and armed conflicts calling for external interventions appeared in most of the Nile Basin countries, while international forces did not explicitly control the issue of the presence of neutral forces in these areas, and there were repeated fears that the number of American forces would be given priority over other nationalities.
Determining the Sudanese president’s responsibility for the crimes that happen in Darfur that are reported only by non-Arab media outlets is a matter that calls for suspicion and suspicion, especially in light of the presence of foreign forces inside a sovereign state and neglecting to talk about their role in the region and its surroundings, and with the weak African or Arab presence inside Darfur or In other areas of armed conflict, international accusations cannot be resolved even if issued by a "court" against Sudanese officials or others. It is also unacceptable to discuss the Darfur issue in a global framework subject to political influences, far from activating the role of Arab and African entities - the Arab League and the African Union. -
And the international community must remember that the Iraqi president, who was executed in an ugly scene, was tried by a court that is subject to a government of foreign occupation and not before the International Criminal Court, whose neutrality is now advocated by some, just as the International Criminal Court has not tried presidents and regimes that have practiced war crimes and are still in many areas, such as Palestine. And Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan.
The international legitimacy that we advocate as believers in human rights issues and striving to consolidate peace in the global human community, cannot push us as activists towards falling into the sin of political calculations and inhuman goals of forces seeking to deprive the world of stability, and the accounts of those forces confirm that what they spend on me War in any part of the world far exceeds what it provides in terms of aid or "humanitarian" aid to the victims of conflict and tension areas in the world, and therefore we reject any attempts to repeat the Palestinian - and Iraqi - model in brotherly Sudan, and we demand honest investigations into the Darfur issue that take into account the conditions and state of chaos and ambiguity surrounding the information. And the events there, and do not exclude the Arab-African presence - without selectivity - in the ongoing alleged investigations regarding the Sudanese region.
shortlink: https://maatpeace.org/en/?p=32848